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Sexual
and Reproductive Rights and Health: Perceptions,
Problems, and Priorities Identified by Ashaninka Women of
the Río Ene Region Giovanna
Cavero Mogollón
with
Astrid Bant Haver
(This summary is
adapted from the Executive Summary of the full study) The
Association for the Conservation of Cutivireni Heritage (ACPC) has been
working with the Ashaninka communities of the Rio Tambo district of the
Peruvian Amazon since 1987. As part of its larger women’s program,
ACPC’s reproductive health program aims to improve Ashaninka women’s
health using a culturally sensitive, human rights approach. Basing their
work on the philosophy that women must recognize their fundamental right
to adequate health before they can live truly healthy and productive
lives, the program’s goal is to reconcile Ashaninka women’s health
needs with the principles that structure their natural and social
environments. ACPC
launched its reproductive health program in 2002 with a participatory
research project supported by International Women’s Health Coalition -
(IWHC www.iwhc.org).
The results of this project are discussed in detail in the full report,
entitled “Salud y Derechos
Sexuales y Reproductivos: Percepciones, Problemas y Prioridades
Definidos por Mujeres Asháninkas del Río Ene” (“Sexual and
Reproductive Rights and Health: Perceptions, Problems and Priorities
defined by Ashaninka women of the Rio Ene”). A link to the full report
(in Spanish), as well as a Spanish version of this executive summary,
are available at the links below. Recognizing
the significance of the knowledge gleaned from the project, ACPC was
motivated to share their findings with a broader audience. It is
ACPC’s hope that their experience with Ashaninka women will serve both
as a model for future work with indigenous populations on sexual and
reproductive health, as well as proof that such work need not undermine
or disrespect traditional beliefs and practices related to health. Following
is a brief description of the research methodology, the results
obtained, and a list of preliminary actions to improve indigenous
women's reproductive health and protect their rights, based on the
knowledge gleaned from the women of Rio Ene: Objective The
principal objective of the research was (1) to identify and analyze
Ashaninka women’s health practices and priority concerns and (2) to
use the knowledge obtained to develop and implement local projects and
initiatives aimed at improving women’s reproductive health. Workshop
Structure A
total of 107 women between the ages of 12 and 55 from four Ashaninka
communities (Cutivireni, Camantavishi, Quempiri, and Anexo Yotayo)
participated in the two-day research workshop. First, participants
retraced their personal life histories to gain insight into their own
reproductive life cycles and gender identities. Through the information
shared, workshop leaders were able to determine how the participants
understood broader concepts such as health, illness, and wellbeing. To
determine the women’s most pressing health needs, workshop leaders
showed overheads with illustrations of health-related issues (for
example, early pregnancy, hemorrhaging, and vaginal infections) and
asked the participants to prioritize them by vote. Using a “tree of
causes and consequences,” workshop leaders then determined women’s
depth of knowledge about these health issues: their causes,
consequences, and potential solutions, as well as what resources were
available for addressing them. Summary
of Results The
Ashaninka understand well-being as the maintenance of equilibrium
between the community and its surroundings, encompassing the
individual’s relationship to family members, the community, and the
natural environment. Illnesses are understood as physical manifestations
of a disruption in the spiritual and supernatural forces that maintain
this equilibrium. Recovering from illness is understood not only as an
end in itself, but also as a means of reestablishing this equilibrium. The
phases of a woman’s reproductive life cycle are based in ritual and
myth, with great significance placed on the transition from childhood to
young adulthood. The Ashaninka mark this transition with a series of
initiation rites that recognize not only physical changes in the woman,
but also the expectation that she will now assume a new set of roles and
responsibilities within the community. The average age of marriage for
women is between 15 and 19, but it is not uncommon for girls as young as
12 to be married shortly following their first menstrual cycle.
Considering that many of the health problems identified by Ashaninka
women result from early sexual activity, and that 48 percent of the
Ashaninka population is under the age of 15, a clear need exists to
educate adolescents about the intertwining themes of health, sexuality,
and gender. When
asked to identify their most pressing health concerns, women mentioned
early marriage and pregnancy, sexual violence (including marital rape),
high number of children, and internal pains and hemorrhaging. Among the
Ashaninka, women’s sexuality is understood in terms of men’s needs
and expectations. Women “please” men and provide them with children
for fear that if they fail to do so, they will be abandoned. Women put
their desired number of children at 4 or 5, but given difficulties
associated with contraception and men’s desire for large families, the
average number of children per woman is 7 or 8. Women acknowledge that
children constitute a valuable extra labor force for the family and the
community, but they also recognize that having so many pregnancies does
not allow for an adequate standard of health and nutrition within the
family. They also point out that frequent pregnancy and childbearing
accelerates the deterioration of their own health. Violence
against women is both physical and psychological, a by-product of the
power imbalance in married couples. Men decide how many children women
will have and often coerce women into sexual relations or accuse them of
infidelity if they resist sexual advances. Women internalize this
behavior as legitimate given their subordinated roles in the social
structure of the communities. Although
women have access to a range of modern contraceptives, they avoid them,
fearing adverse health effects and opting instead to use traditional
methods of contraception based on medicinal herbs and plants. The
community suffers from a marked lack of information about the variety of
contraceptive methods available, their side effects, and their
appropriate use. The women use the public health system as a last
resort, primarily because they are not accustomed to being examined and
often feel ashamed. Other reasons include language and cultural barriers
with local medical staff, who are primarily Spanish-speaking and male,
and the high cost of prescription drugs. Future
Actions These
findings indicate a clear need for investments in Ashaninka women’s
health at both the community and policy level, and IWHC is supporting
preliminary programs and initiatives designed by ACPC in response to
this need. As a first step, women from within the communities who speak
both Ashaninka and Spanish will be trained to be sexual and reproductive
health promoters, and organized to plan and execute small-scale projects
and local initiatives. Based in Ashaninka villages and intimately aware
of their community’s health need and concerns, these health promoters
will help to bridge the linguistic and cultural gaps between Ashaninka
women and local service providers, who are primarily Spanish-speaking
and male. They will also be in an ideal position to advocate for
Ashaninka women at the local policy level. In
order to raise awareness of indigenous women’s perspectives on their
own sexual and reproductive health needs, ACPC will share their research
findings with local health providers and decisions makers. It is
ACPC’s hope that this increased awareness, combined with pressure from
Ashaninka health promoters, will help generate the necessary political
will among decision makers to design programs and policies that are
sensitive to gender and culture, and informed by women’s own
perspectives on their health. Related
Resources To
read a Spanish version of this Executive Summary, please visit http://www.geocities.com/acpcweb/prmujer.htm.
To
read ACPC’s full report in Spanish, please visit http://www.geocities.com/acpcweb/salud.htm. For
more information about the history of this project and ACPC’s work
with the Ashaninka, please visit http://www.iwhc.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=page&pageID=684.
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